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“Experts from Below”: Why Local Health Educators are Leaders, Not Just Helpers, during Outbreak Response in Lagos, Nigeria

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In this blog, Olawale Fathiah Olamide, of the Humanitarian Observatory for Central and Eastern Europe, and the Centre of Migration Research, University of Warsaw, dives into the ways in which local actors co-define humanitarian governance through their interactions with international humanitarian ‘experts’. During the COVID-19 pandemic, and Cholera epidemic responses in Lagos, Nigeria, local health educators took an important role as ‘translators’ of international scientific knowledge to make it relevant for people in their everyday lives. The blog ends with a call to include local actors as active participants in sector-wide reform efforts, rather than simply as passive implementing partners.

“Experts” usually arrive on planes with clipboards and standardised plans based on international best practices. They provide the “what” and the “how” based on this expertise. But in the busy, high-pressure environment of Lagos, a sprawling megacity in southwest Nigeria, where over 20 million residents hustle for a living amidst narrow streets and vibrant markets, the “how” and the “why” in practice come from a different group: local health educators.


Photo by Ninthgrid : https://www.pexels.com/photo/medical-checkup-in-a-lagos-clinic-30678208

As a final-year health education student at the University of Lagos and a local resident, I experienced the quiet tension of the COVID-19 pandemic and the sudden alarm of recent cholera outbreaks. Volunteering at the grassroots level through the Health Education Students Association of Nigeria, an association for public health education students for health mobilisation, I observed that we are not merely “implementing partners” hired to check off boxes. We are the “experts from below” who turn cold science into the warm language of community trust.

The Myth of the “Implementing Partner”

The traditional humanitarian model views local staff as the last link in a chain, the people who distribute flyers or set up wash stations. This often leads to accusations of ‘risk dumping’, and of presenting extractive relationships as equal partnerships. This view also dangerously limits the agency, expertise, and knowledge of national partners. When a Cholera outbreak strikes a community on the Lagos Mainland, an international protocol might dictate the distribution of chlorine tablets. But as a local health educator, my expertise begins where the protocol ends. I know that in a particular neighbourhood, people will not use those tablets because of a long-standing rumour about their effects on fertility or because the taste reminds them of a poorly handled previous intervention. My role was not just to “implement” the distribution; it was to redesign the approach in real time. Rather than simply handing out tablets with a leaflet, we worked through community leaders, the people residents already trusted. In their own language, we explained the precise components of the chlorine tablets, how they worked, andwhat they did not do. We addressed the fertility rumour head-on, breaking downthe science in terms that were accessible and credible within that specific cultural context. Those leaders took the tablets publicly themselves, demonstrating their safety by example. This act of visible, trusted endorsement did more than any poster or protocol ever could. This is humanitarian governance in its most basic form, making decisions that determine whether an intervention lives or dies at the doorstep.

COVID-19: Navigating the Currency of Trust

During the COVID-19 mobilisation, the challenge was not just the virus; it was the “infodemic” and the deep-seated scepticism toward directives from above. The National Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) led the national response with evidence-based guidelines on social distancing and mask-wearing. However, I remember standing in local markets, realising that the standard posters about social distancing seemed like they were made for another world entirely. In a city where the “hustle” is essential and space is limited, telling a trader to stay home without a safety net feels less like health advice and more like a threat. As volunteers at the grassroots level, we did not simply repeat the NCDC’s guidelines; we negotiated them, and we listened to their fears to find a middle ground. We looked for the gaps where the official story failed to match the daily reality of Lagosians, and we spoke with them, acknowledging that while the virus was a risk, so was hunger. We acted as mediators, humanising the response by acknowledging both economic fears and fear of the virus. We were not just “mobilising”; we were adjusting the response to fit the city’s human landscape. Together with community members, we co-created a set of practical adaptations grounded in their daily reality. We reiterated the core guidelines, but we reframed them around what mattered most to the people in front of us. We were candid about the dangers of non-compliance, not in a way that felt like a threat, but as a genuine appeal, that health is greater than wealth, and that losing one’s health meant losing the ability to work at all. Crucially, we did not ask people to choose between their safety and their livelihood; instead, we showed them how to run their businesses while following the guidelines, making compliance feel possible, rather than punishing. These were not adaptations handed down from above, they were built in conversations with the very people they were meant to serve.

Cholera: The Expert Knowledge of the Streets

In the Cholera response, the expertise from below was even more detailed. Outbreak response is often seen as a logistical challenge, but in Lagos, it is a social one. While experts analysed data on a screen, we were on the ground identifying the specific water vendors who earned the community’s trust. I recall times when our intervention worked not because we had better medicine, but because we knew which community leader should be the first to drink the treated water in public. This is not support work; it is strategic leadership. We understand the power dynamics, the religious nuances, and the informal networks that international organisations often overlook. We realise that a health message in Lagos is only as strong as the person delivering it.

Shifting the Arena

The Hague Humanitarian Studies Centre highlights the need for “locally led” Observatories. My experience indicates that these observatories already exist; they are found in the weekly meetings of health educators in Akoka, Yaba, and beyond. If the humanitarian sector is serious about reform, it must stop seeing us as the final link in its chain. We are the first responders and the permanent residents. We do not just “act” in the humanitarian space; we shape it. It is time to understand that the most skilled expert is not always the one with an international degree – often it is the one who knows how to make a mother in a crowded Lagos street feel safe enough to trust the cure.

To learn more about the official response efforts:

  • Lagos State Ministry of Health: Follow org for updates on state-specific interventions and emergency hotlines.
  • Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC): Visit gov.ng for national situation reports and public health advisories.

To learn more about the Humanitarian Observatory for Central and Eastern Europe (HOCEE) at CMR UW: https://www.migracje.uw.edu.pl/projects/humanitarian-observatory-for-central-and-eastern-europe-hocee/

Are you looking for more content about Global Development and Social Justice? Subscribe to Bliss, the official blog of the International Institute of Social Studies, and stay updated about interesting topics our researchers are working on.

This blog is part of the ‘Humanitarian Observatories: Building a Knowledge and Advocacy Network on Humanitarian Governance’. This project has received funding from the European Union under the Horizon European Research Council (ERC) Proof of Concept.

Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or European Research Council Executive Agency (ERCEA). Neither the European Union nor the granting authority can be held responsible for them.

Medical Drones in Africa: A Gamechanger for the Continent’s ‘Ailing’ Health Sector?

While medical drones can be lauded as game-changing health technologies that help save lives, and usher efficiency and cost-effectiveness in the often contextualized as fragile African health systems, Edwin Ambani Ameso and Gift Mwonzora argue that this is not the complete picture.

The sight of desolate buildings, makeshift health settings characterised by a shortage of drugs and machinery and demoralised workers is an enduring reality of African health care centres. Medical professionals staffing these under-resourced health institutions work under depressed morale. The deplorable state of the African hospitals and clinics continues to affect in large part the underprivileged and often impoverished citizens. To fill in the gap where governments are failing to implement the right to health, some non-state actors like the Melinda and Bill Gates foundation have perennially stepped up. Thanks to the presence of vertical medical programmes funded through the assistance of donor agencies like USAID, UKAID, GIZ, DANIDA, NORAD, CIDA and more, this has saved somewhat dire situations.

While such assistance has helped improve the healthcare contexts for citizens, most African states have been left with the solitary and unfashionable role of coordinating healthcare initiatives rather than providing health as a public good accessible to all its citizens. Critical to note, however, has been the endless political rhetoric by African elites seeking political office who entice the electorate with the hype of ‘Health for All’. Often such public pronouncements are not met with clear-cut plans for providing universal access to healthcare for largely underprivileged portions of global citizens resident in the continent.

These governments anchor their political promises to the global health agenda of universal healthcare delivery with lofty promises of leaving no one behind.  It is in such contexts characterised by fragility, shortages, stock-outs, postcolonial legacies of poor infrastructures, and more grounded structural concerns that we are witnessing a rapid uptake and use of digital health technologies, notably medical drones, to leapfrog the aforementioned challenges. Thus,  questions arise  whether the real and imagined futures of healthcare access in Africa can in the long durée afford and embrace medical drones as the future of healthcare delivery.

Against this background, there is a need for robust research on whether African countries need these drones. If so, to serve which health  areas and how successful  have they been in saving lives in areas where they have been utilised so far? If found ineffective, what should be done, and with what urgency, to remedy the situation? Issues of the procurement and supply chain management of these drones at a government level also remain critical. This is considering African government elites’ proclivity to flout tendering processes: a trend reeking of grand corruption schemes.

These schemes have birthed what others have referred to as the ‘tenderpreneurs’ within the African healthcare systems. Worth noting have been the cases of looting of COVID-19 funds and the subsequent inflating and overpricing of medical accessories among various African countries. How then do we guard against state-led grand heists and corruption clothed under the procurement of moon-shot medical technologies with lofty promises of saving thousands if not millions of lives in much of Africa?  We contend that to simply adopt such technology without also addressing the governance side in several states would simply be tinkering on the edges.

We maintain that even if African governments embrace the digitalisation of the health sector without a change of conduct all efforts will come to naught. Digitalising the health sector is ideal but seems to be favouring private players such as drone companies whose contractual engagements with African states guarantee their health funds cut. This then leaves the health care budgets skewed to the detriment of the whole health system where human resource deficits, stockouts, and ill-equipped health settings persist.

Africa’s New Era of Digital Health Technologies

To then celebrate the digitalisation of the health sector without the concomitant financial support of the sector will be an disingenuous act  on the part of African ruling elites who are failing as duty bearers to guarantee the fundamental right to health for all citizens. This is sometimes in ways hard to see if one is to swallow the populist narratives of ‘health for all’ spewed during election campaigns.

Currently, the urge to embrace these technologies as essential to meeting the World Health Organisation’s triple billion target seems to be a politically driven promises of precision health delivery.

Drones or No Drones: Time for a Reality Check

Today, more than at any point, unlucky children and adults are dying from kwashiorkor, malaria, and snake bites in remote areas in rural Africa. What should be done? Is digitalising medical health including access to medical care and attention the panacea to cure this malady

Numerous benefits of medical drones range from the facilitation of emergency medical supply delivery, rapid response to disease outbreaks, improvement of maternal and child healthcare, provision of telemedicine, and facilitation of remote consultations. These drones have also proved useful in other contexts in mapping and the surveillance of disease-prone areas. Further, it is observed that medical drones can also be effectively used in humanitarian aid delivery, especially on impassable roads. Others have even stated that relying on road traffic can only go so fast and so far. Undoubtedly, these drones are convenient for providing emergency relief and aid, especially in low-lying areas such as Malawi, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe. These are contexts prone to recurrent floods and cyclones.

The Road Ahead

In the end, successful adoption twinned with sustainable use of these drones requires a multi-stakeholder buy-in. This will include the collaboration between governments, healthcare institutions, donors, drone service providers, the aviation industry, and local authorities.  Further, the buy-in (reception and acceptance) by the community is also paramount. It needs to be rehashed that without addressing the structural and underlying factors affecting Africa’s health care system, relying on drones alone as the magic bullet to cure challenges affecting the sector will be missing the forest for the trees. Medical technology needs to be anchored in a socio-economic, cultural, financial and political context which is not only permissible for innovation to thrive. The political will to stem corrupt practices, bad governance and other bulwarks that may militate against the full adoption and use of medical technology should be available. Absent due diligence, embracing medical drones in Africa without addressing the underlying structural, institutional, political, and governance factors will be akin to lofty ambitions of flying a kite where there is no wind.

This article was first published on EADI

Opinions expressed in Bliss posts reflect solely the views of the author of the post in question.

About the authors:

Edwin Ameso

Edwin Ambani Ameso is a postdoctoral Researcher at Universität Leipzig, Germany. He researches on “off-the-grid”: Infrastructures, processes of spatialization, and drones in Africa. His areas of research include health insurance, social protection and welfare, digital health technologies, infrastructures of care.

Gift Mwonzora

Gift Mwonzora is a Research Fellow in the Willy Brandt School of Public Policy at the University of Erfurt, Germany. He researches on digitalisation, politics and the future of work in Middle-Income Countries. His areas of Research include development policy, digitalisation, governance, democracy, human rights, social justice.

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What can be done to address healthcare violations in Gaza?

On 29 February 2024, I presented in a panel at the Erasmus Medical Centre in Rotterdam on “The right to healthcare under fire”. The event was organised by Artsen Voor Gaza (Doctors for Gaza) a Dutch group of physicians, medical students and medical researchers. Alongside compelling presentations from Dr. Loes de Kleijn, Dr. Kamal El Mokayad and Haya Al Farra, I spoke of the legal context of the ongoing, genocidal violence in Gaza and more importantly what can be done.

CC BY-SA 3.0 via Wikimedia Commons

The War in Gaza has a context

Since the attacks in Southern Israel and Israel’s operation in Gaza called “Iron Swords” from October 2023, Israel has destroyed the majority of Gaza’s infrastructure, including its medical infrastructure. As I wrote already on 12 October 2023, the war in Gaza has an important context. Unfortunately, as the Israeli Professor of History Ilan Pappe has observed, there is an active effort to de-historicize the conflict, which serves as a backing to Israel in its genocidal violence against Palestinians in Gaza.

Despite Israel’s withdrawal of settlements and redeployment of forces in 2005, Israel has continued to occupy the 365 km2 territory of Gaza, including mounting a siege that has severely restricted basic needs. The majority of Gazans are under the age of 20 and have never left the territory. Most are refugees (and their descendants), forcibly displaced from their homes in 1948, which are maintained by what a Palestinian Professor of History, Nur Masalha describes as a politics of denial.

From a humanitarian angle, most Gazans have been largely dependent on direct United Nations assistance ever since the ‘Nakba’ in 1948, and in particular the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA). This makes it all the more concerning that states have been seeking to defund UNRWA, following (as yet unfounded) Israeli allegations that its staff were complicit in the October attacks, a move described as “reckless” by a senior, Washington-based analyst.

 

“I am so scared”

So often we hear Palestinians referred to as statistics. While this potentially enables people to process the horrors of what is happening, as the poet and commentator Ramsey Nasr reminds us, those who have been killed had names, and we must remember them.

Two names and stories of two Gazans among the more than 30.000 (at the time of writing) who have been killed since October 2023 were recalled during the Event at Erasmus Medical Centre. One who was remembered was Hind Rajab. She was 5 or 6 years old when her family car came under fire by Israeli soldiers in Gaza City on 29 January 2024, she made a phone call to the Palestinian Red Crescent. “I am so scared,” she said. “Call someone to come get me, please.” Sadly, after more than two weeks of frantic efforts to reach her, Hind’s body was recovered a few days later on 3 February, along with those of relatives and two Red Crescent rescue workers that had been sent to find her. Their family car was riddled with bullets.

Another Gazan who was remembered was Refaat Alareer, a Palestinian Professor, poet and activist from Gaza who taught English literature at the Islamic University of Gaza.

 

The Functions of International Law in relation to Atrocity Crimes

The case brought by South Africa against Israel on genocide charges has raised the prospect of international law, and international legal institutions, finally serving to help end the bloodshed and longstanding impasse between Israel and the Palestinians. In this context, it is worthwhile to understand the functions of international law in seeking to prevent, protect against and seek accountability for atrocity crimes.

First, in its regulatory function, international law sets limits on military conduct, in particular to prevent the commission of atrocity crimes, including the crime of apartheid and the crime of genocide. Secondly, in its protection function, international law aims to protect civilians and humanitarian workers (and civilian and humanitarian infrastructure). Finally, and perhaps most importantly in the present context, international law has an accountability function; this comprises a collective obligation to investigate and prosecute individual violators, including war crimes directed against civilian medical personnel and the crime of genocide.

Accordingly, various, specific measures protect medical personnel and infrastructure, including Article 19 of the Geneva Conventions that they “may in no circumstances be attacked, but shall at all times be respected and protected by the Parties to the conflict”. Article 8 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court provides that individuals who are found to have been “intentionally directing attacks against buildings, material, medical units and transport, and personnel using the distinctive emblems of the Geneva Conventions in conformity with international law” have committed war crimes.

 

Preliminary Measures by the International Court of Justice

After two days of oral hearings on 11 and 12 January 2024 from legal teams representing South Africa and Israel, the ICJ came back on 26 January with a set of Provisional Measures, as requested by South Africa. Each of the Provisional Measures were separately voted upon, all of which received an overwhelming majority, including the following:

“The State of Israel shall take immediate and effective measures to enable the provision of urgently needed basic services and humanitarian assistance to address the adverse conditions of life faced by Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.”

In justifying these measures, the Court “took note” of several statements by United Nations officials, including a statement made by the United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Mr Martin Griffiths, on 5 January 2024:

“Gaza has become a place of death and despair… Medical facilities are under relentless attack. The few hospitals that are partially functional are overwhelmed with trauma cases, critically short of all supplies, and inundated by desperate people seeking safety.  A public health disaster is unfolding. Infectious diseases are spreading in overcrowded shelters as sewers spill over. Some 180 Palestinian women are giving birth daily amidst this chaos… “the health-care system in Gaza is collapsing”.

 

So, what can be done, beyond the Courts?

It’s hard not to feel sceptical about the potential of the Courts to change Israel’s behaviour. Israel’s responses since the 26 January 2024 Preliminary Measures were issued suggest that the ICJ has little to no deterrent effect. In fact, Israel not only failed to comply with these preliminary measures, it actually stepped up its military campaign. 5-year old Hind died a mere 3 days after the ICJ issued its judgement.

But international law has relevance beyond the courts. As legal mobilization researchers argue, international law can be seen as not only an imperial project, as Erakat eloquently explains, but also as a legitimate source of disruption, resistance and liberation.

For example, international law represents a legitimate basis for boycotting corporations that are complicit in atrocity crimes, such as Israeli Universities and McDonalds, just as was done during the South African anti-apartheid movement.

Another form of legal mobilization, as Dr. Claudia Saba has argued, is the delivery of humanitarian aid, as the “Free Gaza” movement have been doing, using small civilian boats to try and alleviate the desperate circumstances caused by Israel’s decades-long siege of Gaza.

Further forms of legal mobilization are protests and sit-ins, as the Public Interest Litigation Project has been preoccupied with, and what Doctors for Gaza in The Netherlandshave been engaged with since October 2024.

In other words, addressing violations of the right to health care through legal mobilization involves more than just “winning” in court. It takes on many different forms. These different forms of legal mobilization serves to galvanise social justice struggles.

What legal mobilization will not do is bring back the hundreds of health workers who have been killed in Gaza, let alone Hind Rajab or Refaat Alareer. However, it may serve to hold those responsible for killing them.

Opinions expressed in Bliss posts reflect solely the views of the author of the post in question.

About the author:

Dr. Jeff Handmaker is Associate Professor of Legal Sociology, based at the International Institute of Social Studies in The Hague.

 

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