Monthly Archives June 2026

Reflecting on a security and risk management course in humanitarian contexts: ‘there is never only one story’

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In this reflection blog, Agostino Luisetti, a Master’s student in Political Science at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, recounts a three-day course on Safety and Security for Researchers in Humanitarian Contexts, led by the Safety & Security Research Initiative, at the Universidad de los Andes in Bogotá, and what it taught him about doing humanitarian and academic research.

Image by Juan Rojas https://www.pexels.com/@24302738/

I came to the Universidad de los Andes for a course on security and risk management for fieldwork, and what struck me first was the room itself. Around the table sat people that had worked across many parts of the world: humanitarian practitioners and academics, security experts, anthropologists, human rights lawyers, and Indigenous activists. I am a Master’s student in Political Science at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, still early in my own fieldwork, and I had the rare luck of learning alongside people who already had so much lived experience.

I had come expecting do’s and don’ts. Yet what Dr. Rodrigo Mena, who teaches the course, offered us instead, through the Safety and Security Research Initiative (SSRi), was a space of reflection, one that interrogated some of the things we usually take for granted.

Much of what is written for researchers completing ‘fieldwork’ concentrates on getting there safely. The encounter itself, and what comes after we return, receive far less attention, and closing that gap was part of what the course set out to do. Official protocols from NGOs or institutions get us to ‘the field’, but they say little about the moment we sit face to face with someone who has survived something terrible. How do I interview a person carrying trauma without inflicting further harm? How do I know that what they tell me is “true”? As we discussed in the course, memory is not a filing cabinet. Under distress, people recall events out of sequence, anchored to a smell or a sound rather than a clean timeline; pressed to produce a linear story, they may construct one, and the tidy account I write down may be the least reliable of all. As we were reminded, there is never only one story, and in areas affected by conflict or disaster, where rumour spreads and distrust runs high, that notion should make us more cautious about the accounts we gather.

What I also learnt is that when working in conflict or disaster-stricken areas, nothing we touch is neutral. As feminist scholarship has long argued, no knowledge is ever produced from nowhere: our perspective is always situated, partial and positioned. Not the conflicts and disasters we study, and not the data we collect. We arrive under pressure from our institutions to “obtain data,” and this economy of information can itself become a source of harm, especially to communities that are already vulnerable. We tend to frame our work as a “research problem”, but to name something a problem is already to treat the people involved as something to be solved. Everyone wants to be ethical; the harder question, and the one the course kept returning to, is how we operationalise that intention without causing harm.

During our work, the term “ethical” was brought down to earth: not a box to tick before departure, but a constant iterative and reflexive practice of not creating risk or harm for others, and of accepting that even transparency is never fully within our reach. What we were reminded throughout the three days was that to enter another person’s world as a researcher is a privilege, not a right, and the ethical and security dilemmas that come with it are simply the price of that privilege.

Dr. Mena also taught us that saying “no”, for example by choosing not to go somewhere when we judge the conditions unsafe, is itself a privilege many of our interlocutors do not have. This was particularly interesting to me because of my background in journalism, where we are often quick to claim the authority of “having been there”. Yet what does it really mean to say I went, and how much should it license me to say afterwards?

As I reflect on these days, one particular sentence has stuck with me, bouncing around in my head: “it is not what we do, but what we are perceived to be doing”. My relationship, as a foreigner working in a given context only temporarily, with any person in any place can put my local colleagues at risk long after I have flown home. This is because risk is transversal: it touches drivers, translators, hosts, families. Practices around “localisation” can themselves become a form of risk transfer, where a large organisation, through its work, delegates the danger to a local partner. As international researchers we can always leave; yet what do we leave behind?

Several other things stayed with me from these three, intense days. We rehearsed with our bodies: we practised where to sit during transport and where to leave a bag if riding on a bus, so we could move quickly in an emergency, and we learnt the difference between safety and security, the first being protection from an involuntary accident, the second protection from a deliberate attack. We spoke about mental health, about aggression in its different forms, and about whether, in a high risk situation, we freeze, fight or flee. We also learnt to treat our digital footprint as part of the risk picture: working with sensitive information across borders, every click is traceable, so we were urged to think before connecting and before clicking.

We closed with a final exercise that I won’t give away, both because it deserves to be met without warning and because that is part of its lesson. What I can say is that the only way through it was to communicate, to stay present, attentive, human, caring. When it ended, my colleagues applauded, and after days spent on such sensitive subjects I felt something I had not expected: joy, and a real sense of community. It became my metaphor for the whole course, the moment a blindfold lifts and the room fills with light. Though I came in as the least experienced person in the room, I left certain that this was the work I wanted to do.

In a world driven by extraction and disregard for the other, too often rewarded by those in power, this course reminded me that there are still many who want to do humanitarian and academic work diligently and with care. The security precautions we take are the least we can offer. In exchange, we are trusted with the greatest gift of all: other people’s stories and experiences. It is up to us to put ourselves in the best position to do no harm, to ourselves and, most importantly, to those who make our work possible.

 

About the author

Agostino Luisetti is a Master’s student in Political Science at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, with a background in journalism. His research focuses on international NGOs construct and negotiate their authority across different governance contexts, with a particular interest in the North/South dynamics of the global aid sector.

Imaginary Mexico and the illusion of the digital nomad

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As digital nomads become increasingly visible in cities around the world, they are often cast as the face of gentrification and rising housing costs. Yet focusing on the individual may obscure the broader forces reshaping urban life. In this blog, ISS PhD candidate Alberto Estrada Mares draws on fieldwork in Mexico City to examine how competing visions of the city shape experiences of belonging, exclusion and urban transformation. 

Man sits on cliff and looks out at ocean as he types on his laptop
Photo by Tima Miroshnichenko

‘Gringo, go home!’ was the chant that echoed through the streets of Mexico City during the 2025 protests against skyrocketing rents, casting digital nomads as the villains behind gentrification. But are they really the architects of this phenomenon, or are they, rather, symptoms of a failed and deeply unequal vision of the city? 

This conflict can be understood as a modern clash between what the Mexican ethnographer Guillermo Bonfil termed México Imaginario (Imaginary Mexico) – a Eurocentric, racialized and capitalist modernization project imposed by the elites – and México Profundo (Deep Mexico), which unites communities, local knowledge and economies beyond ethnicity that form the social fabric and historicity of urban space.  

A city divided between imagination and reality 

My fieldwork in Roma and Condesa reveals that this dichotomy has taken on a clear spatial form: a city divided between the periphery (the deep) and center (the imaginary), where central neighbourhoods have been subjected to extreme commodification and reconfigured into hubs of ‘creative tourism’ designed to attract global capital and a transnational creative class. The result is a carefully curated landscape of minimalist cafés, boutique hotels and short-term rental platforms.  

In this environment, the traditional taco stand or neighbourhood market does not simply coexist with this transformation. It is also forced to ‘refine’ its offerings – from adjusting the spiciness of its sauces to aestheticizing its products to meet the demands of a new transnational consumer of the space. Viewed through this lens, the local does not disappear by chance, but rather transforms to fit into the ecosystem that the imagined Mexico tailors for the transnational consumer, now embodied in the digital nomad.  

The paradox of the digital nomad 

For the digital nomad, the México Imaginario initially appears attractive. In my conversations with them, the narratives recur: they describe Mexico City as a ‘vibrant’ and ‘affordable’ place, a destination that offers a higher quality of life than other cities in the Global South. Tourist status   allows them temporary stays of up to stay for six months, often renewable on a routine basis.  

Yet, the same forces that make the city attractive also expose the limits of their position. Rooted in the commodification and aestheticization of spaces and services, México Imaginario ultimately confronts digital nomads with rising costs and increasing competition for housing. Paradoxically, a sense of displacement emerges in these conversations. Many report that securing a fixed accommodation in central neighbourhoods for their temporary stay has become nearly impossible due to recent price hikes that were accerlerated by the pandemic. As a result, they are forced to constantly move between Airbnbs and, in most cases, to the outskirts of Roma and Condesa.  

This raises a counterintuitive question that is even strange to ask: is it possible for the gentrifier to feel gentrified?  

Answering this question requires dismantling the conception of the digital nomad as a subject of absolute privilege. Rather, they can be understood as a middle-class worker from the Global North whose privilege is relative. Their ability to inhabit the city is subject to the same market volatility that they themselves help to fuel. Their position of privilege is, above all, relational. 

When belonging becomes a privilege 

Within this urban reconfiguration, tensions emerge within the local population. While some groups align themselves with the narrative of the México Imaginario, validating these transformations as a ‘natural’ evolution toward a global city, the  México Profundo perceives them as an exclusionary frontier. For those who have historically lived in these neighbourhoods or commute from the outskirts to keep them running, gentrification does not symbolize progress but rather a slow expulsion.  

A service infrastructure has emerged that functions as a sociomaterial boundary. Local residents are allowed to move about and work within them, but denied the right to live there. When even a cup of coffee costs a significant share of the minimum wage – let alone the cost of housing – consumption ceases to be a choice and becomes a mechanism of social and spatial segregation.  

This logic alters the social function of the neighbourhood. Public space, once a place of gathering and memory, is replaced and mediated by nodes of private consumption. Under this dynamic, access to centrality becomes a restricted privilege, with purchasing power determining who has the right to belong. Thus, the local worker is turned into a stranger in their own neighbourhood, stripped not only of their home but also of the networks and knowledge that gave their presence meaning. 

Who is the city really for? 

An inevitable question arises. Although it may seem tautological, it must be asked: if México Imaginario ultimately makes it unsustainable for those it seeks to attract to remain, while simultaneously displacing those who make the city function, then for whom is this city really being built?  

Perhaps the question does not seek a novel answer but points to the obvious. This model was not designed to be lived in but to be capitalized on. Its benefits do not lie in the well-being of its inhabitants – neither the local nor the nomad – but in the profitability of the urban space itself. The figure of the villain fades away. The digital nomad is merely a symptom of a city that has ceased to be inhabited and has become a financial asset. 

About the author:

Alberto Estrada is a PhD researcher originally from Guadalajara, Mexico. He is part of the Migration, Im/mobilities and Place research group, working at the intersection of urban development, migration, and socio-spatial inequalities. His research focuses on the politics of migration and urban development, examining their effects on place-making and mobility opportunities, with a primary emphasis on Latin American contexts.

All opinions expressed in this blog are the author’s own, and are not necessarily representative of BLISS, the International Institute of Social Studies, or Erasmus University Rotterdam. Please use generative AI tools with care.